Saturday, February 02, 2008

FISA Fight – Take Action Today to Protect Your Liberty

I can hardly believe what I’ve been reading. The Senate is about to give away your protection from government spying. They are going to limit debate on amendments the FISA bill before Congress.

It’s time for US to act now. PLEASE flood congress with calls and letters demanding:


  1. Only pass a FISA modernization bill that has individualized warrants for people in the United States.
  2. DO NOT to provide telecom companies with immunity for breaking the law.
  3. Blanket or program “warrants” that allow the government to vacuum up the international telephone calls and emails of Americans aren’t really warrants at all, and they aren’t constitutional. Do not allow blanket warrants.
  4. Americans are looking to the Senate to stand up to the Bush Administration, not cave into threats of being labeled soft on terrorism.

It’s up to us. Only we can stand up and protect our liberty. As Woodrow Wilson said, “Liberty has never come from the government. Liberty has always come from the subjects of the government. The history of government is a history of resistance. The history of liberty is the history of the limitation of government, not the increase of it.”


Background: For a historical background on the FISA fight, start here. To hear Chris Dodd give a brief explanation of what is at stake, go here.

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Friday, February 01, 2008

Background: FISA in Historic Context

The purpose of this document is to provide you with historical context for the current fight over FISA, and the FISA Amendments Act of 2007 which is scheduled for a vote on Monday, February 4, 2008


Early American History of Civil Rights 1600 - 1875

1644 – Common Law
1760 – Writs of Assistance
February 1761 – James Otis’ Speech on Writs of Assistance
November 2, 1765 - Entick v. Carrington
1791 – The Bill of Rights
April 6, 1875 – Telephone Patented

20th Century Law on Wiretapping

June 4, 1928 - Olmstead v. United States
June 19, 1934 – Federal Communication Act of 1934
December 20, 1937 – Nardone v. United States
December 11, 1939 – Nardone v. United States
June 12, 1967 - Berger v. New York
December 18, 1967 – Katz v. United States
June 19, 1968 - Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968
January 1970 – The US Government Spies on US Citizens
June 5, 1970 – The Huston Plan
June 17, 1972 – Watergate Break-in
May 9, 1973 – The Family Jewels
May 17, 1973 – Watergate Hearings
August 9, 1974 – Nixon Resigns
December 22, 1974 – “Family Jewels” Becomes Public
1975 – The Church Committee
1978 – Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA)
June 20, 1979 - Smith v. Maryland
October 21, 1986 - Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986

21st Century – A struggle between Security and Civil Liberties

September 11, 2001 – America becomes afraid
September 14, 2001 – Authorization for Authorization for Use of Military Force
October 26, 2001 – USA PATRIOT Act
Early 2002 – Warrantless Wiretaps by the NSA
March 10, 2004 – Late Night Hospital Visit
December 16, 2005 – NY Times article reveals NSA spying
March 9, 2006 – Republican Congress Renews USA PATRIOT Act
August 5, 2007 –Protect America Act
September 27, 2007, Mayfield v. United States
February 4, 2008 – Senate set to Vote on S.2248


1644 – Sir Edward Coke and Common Law

Before there was a United States, and before there was a US Constitution, there was the Common Law. To this day the Supreme Court will refer back to the Common Law in setting a precedent. The greatest authority on Common Law was Sir Edward Coke (pronounced Cook). Coke’s writings were seen as the final authority on Common law for over 300 years.

In The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England, Coke had something significant to say on the subject of domestic spying. He said “For a man’s house is his castle, et domus sua cuique est tutissimum refugium; for where shall a man be safe, if it be not in his house?

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1760 – Writs of Assistance

In 1760, King George allowed customs officials to search anywhere at any time by using “writs of assistance,” or non-specific warrants. This behavior was such an affront to the American Colonists that they later referred to it in the Declaration of Independence, justifying the Colonists’ desire to become self-governed.

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February 1761 – James Otis’ Speech on Writs of Assistance

James Otis was a firebrand of the American Revolution. He was a pamphleteer and orator. In 1761 he gave a public address on the Writs of Assistance. Echoing Sir Edward Coke’s words, James Otis declared:

“A man’s house is his castle; and whilst he is quiet, he is as well guarded as a prince in his castle. This writ, if it should be declared legal, would totally annihilate this privilege. Custom-house officers may enter our houses when they please; we are commanded to permit their entry. Their menial servants may enter, may break locks, bars, and everything in their way; and whether they break through malice or revenge, no man, no court may inquire.”

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November 2, 1765 - Entick v. Carrington

Entick is one of the seminal rulings of common law, establishing the right of a person to be safe in his or her home. In his ruling, Lord Camden wrote:

“By the laws of England, every invasion of private property, be it ever so minute, is a trespass. No man can set his foot upon my ground without my license, but he is liable to an action, though the damage be nothing; which is proved by every declaration in trespass, where the defendant is called upon to answer for bruising the grass and even treading upon the soil. If he admits the fact, he is bound to show by way of justification, that some positive law has empowered or excused him. The justification is submitted to the judges, who are to look into the books; and if such a justification can be maintained by the text of the statute law, or by the principles of common law. If no excuse can be found or produced, the silence of the books is an authority against the defendant, and the plaintiff must have judgment.”

In short, an individual may do anything they please within their home as long as they do not violate the law. The ruling also limits the rights of the government to take action against an individual unless that action is specifically codified by law.

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1791 – The Bill of Rights

In 1791 the Bill of Rights was ratified, which included the Fourth Amendment:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The Fourth Amendment is usually seen as containing two clauses:

1. The first clause provides protection from “unreasonable searches and seizure.”
2. Second clause governs the use of warrants.
a) Upon Probable Cause
b) Issued by independent court (supported by oath or affirmation)
c) Particularly describing the items sought (no fishing expeditions)

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April 6, 1875 – Telephone Patented

Though Antonio Meucci had applied for a patent in 1871, Alexander Graham Bell was eventually granted the patent for the telephone. Almost as quickly as there was a telephone, there was wiretapping.

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20th Century


June 4, 1928 - Olmstead v. United States

The Supreme Court ruled that a wiretap did not infringe on the Fourth Amendment since the Fourth Amendment does not apply to conversations, but instead only applies to a person’s physical property. This case was reversed by Katz v. United States in 1967.

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June 19, 1934 – Federal Communication Act of 1934

The first federal regulation that dealt with wiretapping was The Federal Communications Act of 1934. In part, it stated that “…no person not being authorized by the sender shall intercept any communication and divulge or publish the existence, contents, substance, purport, effect, or meaning of such intercepted communications to any person.”

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December 20, 1937 – Nardone v. United States

In Nardone (1937), the Supreme Court ruled that the Federal Communications Act of 1934 meant that “evidence obtained by federal agents by tapping telephone wires and intercepting messages is not admissible in a criminal trial in the federal district court.”

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December 11, 1939 – Nardone v. United States

In the 1937 case, the court ruled on whether or not evidence obtained through a warrantless wiretap could be submitted as evidence. In Nardone (1939) the issue was whether Nardone's lawyer should have been allowed to question the prosecution on whether it had used information obtained in the wiretap.

The Court ruled that, once a defendant has established that evidence was illegally seized, the court "must give opportunity, however closely confined, to the accused to prove that a substantial portion of the case against him was a fruit of the poisonous tree."

This established the doctrine of “fruit of a poisonous tree,” which says in essence that evidence obtained through any illegal means, including warrantless wiretapping cannot be used to obtain a conviction.

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June 12, 1967 - Berger v. New York

In Berger, the Supreme Court affirmed that "conversation" was within the Fourth Amendment's protections, and that the use of electronic devices to capture it was a "search" within the meaning of the Amendment.

The court provided the following seven guidelines for wiretapping:
There must be probable cause to believe that a particular offense has been or is being committed.
The conversations to be intercepted must be particularly described in a warrant.
The surveillance must be for a specific, limited period of time.
If the warrant is to be renewed, continuing probable cause must be shown.
Surveillance must terminate once the conversation sought has been seized.
Notice must be provided unless a factual showing of exigency is made.
A return must be made on the warrant so the court may supervise and restrict the use of the seized conversations.

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December 18, 1967 – Katz v. United States

Following on the heels of Berger v. New York, this case reversed the court’s earlier opinion in Olmstead v. United States that the Fourth Amendment only applies to property searches. In the majority opinion, Justice Potter Stewart wrote "The Fourth Amendment protects people, not places. What a person knowingly exposes to the public, even in his own home or office, is not a subject of Fourth Amendment protection. But what he seeks to preserve as private, even in an area accessible to the public, may be constitutionally protected." Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote a concurring opinion wherein he introduced the idea of a “reasonable” expectation of Fourth Amendment protection. This doctrine of a reasonable expectation of privacy was later affirmed through rulings such as Rakas v. Illinois in which the court used the phrase “legitimate expectation of privacy.”

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June 19, 1968 - Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968

The Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 was the first bill since the Federal Communications Act of 1934 to attempt to clarify rules around wiretapping. Title III, known as The Wiretap Act states in part:

“To safeguard the privacy of innocent persons, the interception of wire or oral communications where none of the parties to the communication has consented to the interception should be allowed only when authorized by a court of competent jurisdiction and should remain under the control and supervision of the authorizing court.”

The law goes on to define the major crimes under which a wiretap may be authorized and the procedure for obtaining a warrant for a wiretap.

The law gives the President exemptions to protect the national security:

· “…to take such measures as he deems necessary to protect the Nation against actual or potential attack or other hostile acts of a foreign power, to obtain foreign intelligence information deemed essential to the security of the United States, or to protect national security information against foreign intelligence activities…”
· “…to take such measures as he deems necessary to protect the United States against the overthrow of the Government by force or other unlawful means, or against any other clear and present danger to the structure or existence of the Government.”

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January 1970 – The US Government Spies on US Citizens

In January, 1970 Washington Monthly published an article titled “CONUS Intelligence: The Army Watches Civilian Politics.” In the article, Christopher H. Pyle set off a firestorm when he reported “nearly 1,000 plainclothes Army investigators keep track of civilian political activity across the country...” This revelation, along with the Watergate scandal would eventually spark the formation of the Church Committee.

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June 5, 1970 – The Huston Plan

President Richard Nixon asked for a plan for obtaining better information on domestic dissenters, and asked the intelligence community to determine whether US citizens were subject to foreign influence.

A Whitehouse Aid named Tom Charles Huston put together a plan to spy on those Nixon arbitrarily labeled “dissidents.” It was called the Huston Plan. Huston had been assigned as White House liaison to the Interagency Committee on Intelligence (ICI), which was chaired by none other than J. Edgar Hoover. The plan included burglary, illegal electronic surveillance and opening the mail of “dissidents.” Some of the so-called dissidents included Martin Luther King, Jr., Eldridge Cleaver, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and anti-war protesters.

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June 17, 1972 – Watergate Break-in

Five men are arrested after breaking and entering into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate hotel complex in Washington, D.C. At the time they were arrested they were setting up a warrantless wiretap on Larry O'Brien, the Chairman of the Democratic National Committee (DNC).

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May 9, 1973 – The Family Jewels

CIA Director James R. Schlesinger signed a directive asking for a complete accounting of activities that fell outside of the CIA’s charter. The resulting report, called the Family Jewels is a treasure trove of sins on the part of the CIA, including wiretapping. You can read a six page summary of the Family Jewels here.

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May 17, 1973 – Watergate Hearings

Televised hearings on the Watergate break-in begin. The public is outraged as the details of warrantless wiretapping come out.

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August 9, 1974 – Nixon Resigns

Ten days after being forced to provide tape recordings that clearly showed that Nixon had ordered the warrantless wiretaps; Nixon was forced to resign in shame. After being sworn in, Gerald Ford said “My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.”

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December 22, 1974 – “Family Jewels” Becomes Public

Seymour Hersh published an article in the New York Times detailing CIA spying on Americans during Nixon years. The article titled “Huge CIA Operation Reported in US Against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years,” reveals some of the details of the CIA Family Jewels report. The article detailed how the CIA had illegally spied on Americans.

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1975 – The Church Committee

After years of lax oversight, Congress became increasingly concerned about activities by the Intelligence community. Senator Frank Church (D-ID), chairman of the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, conducted a series of investigations into the illegal activities by the CIA and FBI. The Church Committee eventually produced 14 reports, the most comprehensive look at the activities of the Intelligence committee.

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1978 – Congress passed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA)

In the wake of the Watergate scandal and the findings of the Church Committee, Congress passed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act or FISA in 1978. This act restricts the right of the intelligence agencies to intercept communication that involves US Citizens or long-term residents of the US. The law requires the Attorney General to go before a special FISA court to obtain a warrant for foreign surveillance in which one of the parties is a US Citizen.

Hardly draconian, the law offered several exceptions, allowing for much leeway for the Intelligence community. The law allowed a 15-day grace period for warrantless wiretapping during times of war. Wiretap warrants could even be obtained retroactively, after the fact, should a crisis occur.

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June 20, 1979 - Smith v. Maryland

Without a warrant, the police installed a pen register to record the phone numbers dialed from a suspects’ house. The court ruled that an individual should not have a reasonable expectation that the numbers that he or she dials are private. This was changed under the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986.

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October 21, 1986 - Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986

The Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986 expands on the Wiretap Act in five significant ways:

It broadens the scope of privileged communications to include all forms of electronic transmissions, including video, text, audio, and data.
It eliminates the requirement that communications be transmitted via common carrier to receive legal protection.
It maintains restrictions on the interception of messages in transmission and adds a prohibition on access to stored electronic communications.
It responds to the Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Maryland that telephone toll records are not private and restricts law enforcement access to transactional information pertaining to users of electronic communication services.
It broadens the reach of the Wiretap Act by restricting both government and private access to communications.

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21st Century


September 11, 2001 – America becomes afraid

With the horrific events of September 11, 2001, America suddenly becomes afraid and demands protection. Public opinion suddenly shifts toward security and away from civil liberties.

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September 14, 2001 – Authorization for Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF)

In a show of bipartisan cooperation after September 11, Congress quickly passed the Authorization for Use of Military Force. It says the following:

“That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.”

In later public comment, Attorney General Alberto Gonzalez claimed that the AUMF was the legal basis for warrantless wiretapping.

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October 26, 2001 – USA PATRIOT Act

Not learning their lessons from history, the American people demand protection, even if it cost them their civil liberties. Congress obliged. Hardly a whimper of dissent is heard from any politician or mainstream media outlet as Congress passed the USA PATRIOT Act. Key provisions of the act are set to expire, but are renewed in 2006.

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Early 2002 – Warrantless Wiretaps by the NSA

George W. Bush illegally authorized the National Security Agency (NSA) to spy on Americans without a warrant, in clear violation of FISA.

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March 10, 2004 – Late Night Hospital Visit

According to testimony by James B. Comey, a senior official at the Justice Department, on March 10, 2004 Alberto Gonzales, who was then White House Counsel went to the hospital bed of critically ill John Ashcroft, who was then Attorney General, to try to persuade him to sign an order extending the warrantless spying program. Ashcroft, who in fact had transferred his powers to Comey, refused to do so. On March 11, 2004 the program was reauthorized without consent from the Justice Department.

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December 16, 2005 – NY Times article reveals NSA spying

The New York Times revealed the existence of the warrantless spying program. This is quickly followed by several other revelations including the existence of a massive database of American phone calls.

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March 9, 2006 – Republican Congress Renews USA PATRIOT Act

For a complete discussion on the renewal of the USA Patriot act, go here.

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August 5, 2007 – Protect America Act

Caving to political fear-mongering, Congress passed the Protect America Act, which allows for massive, untargeted collection of international communications without court order or meaningful oversight by either Congress or the courts. Fortunately, the act was set to expire in six months. As of February, 2008, the renewal is being argued in Congress. For a good overview of the Protect America Act, go here. For a running conversation on the topic, go here.

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September 27, 2007, Mayfield v. United States

As would be expected, the FBI, given the broad powers of the USA PATRIOT Act, eventually abused the power in the case of Brandon Mayfield. When the case went to trial, key provisions of the USA PATRIOT Act were found to be unconstitutional by U.S. District Judge Ann Aiken. The case is currently under appeal.

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February 4, 2008 – Senate set to Vote on S.2248

Congress has continued to let the NSA spy without warrants and is considering letting the telephone companies off the hook for spying on Americans illegally. The FISA Amendments Act of 2007 is scheduled for a vote on Monday, February 4, 2008.

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Monday, January 28, 2008

Background on the FISA Debate: Bush Broke the Law

President George W. Bush violated the US Constitution and the law when he authorized the National Security Agency (NSA) to conduct warrantless surveillance of Americans. Three principles are enshrined in the Fourth Amendment.
  1. A person’s home is his/her sanctuary.
  2. Citizens are safe from unreasonable search and seizure without a warrant.
  3. The warrant must be provided by an independent court upon probable cause.

President Bush also violated the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). I will begin at the roots of US law showing that authorizing warrantless surveillance of US Citizens is a violation of the Fourth Amendment. I will then show how FISA came about and how the Bush Administration violated this law.

What is the controversy? Since 2001 the Bush Administration has allowed the NSA to read emails, listen to telephone conversations, (Lacayo, 2006) and capture data about incoming/outgoing phone calls of tens of millions of American Citizens (Cauley, 2006). The fact that the NSA spied on Americans without first obtaining a warrant is without dispute (Risen, 2005). This has been widely reported and has been acknowledged by President Bush (Sanger, 2005). The Bush Administration argues that this authority was specifically given to the president in Article II of the US Constitution and in the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), enacted on September 18, 2001 (Gonzalez, 2006, January 16).

The American legal system owes its roots to the Common Law, a set of laws based, not on statute but on precedent (Wikipedia.org, Common Law, 2006). To this date, the Supreme Court will acknowledge the precedent of the common law in writing its opinions. Sir Edward Coke’s writings on the English common law were the definitive legal texts for over 300 years. (Wikipedia.org, Sir Edward Coke, 2006) In 1628 Sir Coke wrote “A man's house is his castle – et domus sua cuique est tutissimum refugium.” The Latin phrase means "And where shall a man be safe if it be not in his own house?” The writers of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were keenly aware of Coke’s writings and echoed his language. For example they borrowed the phrase “life, liberty and the pursuit of [property] happiness” directly from Coke.

During the 1700’s, King George allowed customs officials to search anywhere at any time by using “writs of assistance,” (U-S-History.com, Writs of Assistance, 2006) or non-specific warrants. This behavior was such an affront to the American Colonists that they later referred to it in the Declaration of Independence, justifying the Colonists’ desire to become self-governed.

In 1761, James Otis referred back to the writings of Coke when he argued in court against the writs of assistance. He said:


“A man’s house is his castle; and whilst he is quiet, he is as well guarded as a prince in his castle. This writ, if it should be declared legal, would totally annihilate this privilege. Custom-house officers may enter our houses when they please; we are commanded to permit their entry. Their menial servants may enter, may break locks, bars, and everything in their way; and whether they break through malice or revenge, no man, no court may inquire” (U-S-History.com, James Otis, 2006).

The Common Law concept of a person’s home as his or her sanctuary was clearly on the Founding Fathers’ minds when they included the fourth amendment to the constitution.


“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The Supreme Court several times has affirmed the need for an independent court to issue warrants, maintaining a separation of power. For example, in Trupiano vs. United States, 334 U.S. 699, the Supreme Court wrote, “It is a cardinal rule that, in seizing goods and articles, law enforcement agents must secure and use search warrants wherever reasonably practicable…This rule rests upon the desirability of having magistrates rather than police officers determine when searches and seizures are permissible and what limitations should be placed upon such activities.”

These important principles - that a person’s home is his/her sanctuary, that they are safe from unreasonable search and seizure without a warrant and that the warrant must be provided by an independent court upon probable cause – went undisputed for generations. The importance of these principles was again affirmed in the wake of the scandals of the Nixon Administration.

In the early 1970’s, under direction from the Nixon Administration, the FBI and other governmental agencies were used to spy on those whom Nixon chose to label as “dissidents.” Some of those dissidents included Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., Eldridge Cleaver, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and anti-war protesters. Years later, in an interview with television personality David Frost, Nixon responded to a series of questions (LandmarkCases.org, 2006):



FROST: So what in a sense, you're saying is that there are certain situations, and the Huston Plan [which included warrantless wiretapping] or that part of it was one of them, where the president can decide that it's in the best interests of the nation or something, and do something illegal.


NIXON: Well, when the president does it that means that it is not illegal.

FROST: By definition.

NIXON: Exactly. Exactly. If the president, for example, approves something because of the national security, or in this case because of a threat to internal peace and order of significant magnitude, then the president's decision in that instance is one that enables those who carry it out, to carry it out without violating a law. Otherwise they're in an impossible position.


This interview was later included in testimony before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. This evidence was used in writing the law known as the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). This act restricts the right of the intelligence agencies to intercept communication that involves US Citizens or long-term residents of the US. The law requires the Attorney General to go before a special FISA court to obtain a warrant for foreign surveillance in which one of the parties is a US Citizen. There are also exceptions built into the law, allowing a 15-day grace period for warrantless wiretapping during times of war and providing for retroactive warrants (FISA, 1978).

How difficult was it to obtain a warrant using the FISA process? According to The Crisis, the official publication of the NAACP (Gaines, 2006), “From 1979 to 2004, FISA denied only four of the government's applications for surveillance while approving 18,727 requests…The four rejections occurred in 2003.”

It was in the days following September 11th that President Bush ordered spy agencies, including the NSA to begin surveillance activities that included US Citizens. Despite a clear mandate from the Constitution and from FISA to first obtain a warrant, the president decided that he had the authority to ignore the requirement and to “use all necessary and appropriate force.”

The warrantless surveillance program remained a secret from the public until December 16, 2005. The New York Times knew about the spying program for more than a year, but had delayed publication of the article upon request from the Bush Administration.

Like the Nixon Administration before it, the Bush Administration has justified its actions by arbitrarily assigning people labels. Nixon arbitrarily labeled US Citizens as “dissidents.” The Bush Administration has branded people as “persons of interest,” “terrorists” or “enemy combatants.” Among some of the groups targeted by the Bush Administration are Greenpeace; Food Not Bombs; Code Pink, an international women's peace organization; and the Rhode-Island based Community Coalition for Peace (ACLU, 2006a).

In summary, the roots of American law have long established the rights to privacy and protection within one’s home and possessions. This principle was enshrined in the fourth amendment to the US Constitution. This right to protection from search and seizure was further clarified by Congress in the wake of the scandals of the Nixon Administration and set into statute under FISA. None of this has stopped the Bush Administration from flagrantly violating the law in its “war on terror.” By ignoring the constitutionally-mandated separation of powers, the Bush Administration has brought us to another constitutional crisis. How this will end is up to the Courts, to Congress and to us, the citizens of the United States who hold those elected officials accountable.

References:

ACLU (2006a). FBI Counterterrorism Unit Spies on Peaceful, Faith-Based Protest Group, retrieved May 14, 2006 from http://www.aclu.org/safefree/spying/25442prs20060504.html

ACLU (2006b). National Security Letters Gag Patriot Act Debate, retrieved May 4, 2006 from http://www.aclu.org/safefree/nationalsecurityletters/index.html

ACLU (2006c). Presidential Powers, NSA Spying, and the War on Terrorism: Americans’ Attitudes on Recent Events, retrieved on May 28, 2006 from http://www.aclu.org/images/general/asset_upload_file966_24263.pdf

Bartels, L. (1993, June) Messages Received: The Political Impact of Media Exposure. American Political Science Review 87(2) pp. 267-285

Brief of Amici Curiae, Center for Constitutional Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union

Cauley, L. (2006, May 11). NSA has massive database of Americans’ phone calls. USA Today, p. 1A, 5A

Cole, D. (2006, February 20). NSA Spying Myths, Nation, 282(7), pp. 5 – 7

Editorial (2005, January 26). The Wrong Attorney General, New York Times, 154(53106), p. A16

Editorial:(2006, 12 March). Domestic Spying Powers: Show some spine Congress. Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA)

Egelko B. (2006, April 8). Court filings may reveal role of AT&T in federal Net spying. San Francisco Chronicle (CA). p. A5

Eggen, D. (2004, August 20). U.S. Uses Secret Evidence In Secrecy Fight With ACLU. Washington Post, p. A17

Gaines, P. (2006 March/April). Surveillance: Bush's Spies, Hoover's Ghost. The Crisis. pp.12 – 15

Gellman, B. (2005, November 6). The FBI’s Secret Scrutiny. Washing Post, p. A01

Gonzalez, A. (2006, January 16) Letter from the Office of the Attorney General to Senator Bill Frist, dated 16 January 2006, retrieved 20 April 2006 from http://www.fas.org/irp/nsa/doj011906.pdf

Gonzalez, A. (2006, February 6). United States Attorney General, US Department of Justice FDCH Congressional Testimony, Senate Judiciary Committee, NSA and Domestic Spying, 02/06/2006

Hirsch, E., Kett, J., and Trefil, J. (Eds.) (2002), The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Jaeger, P. & Bertot, J. & McClure, C. (2003). The impact of the USA Patriot Act on collection and analysis of personal information under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Government Information Quarterly 20, pp. 295 – 314

Kelly, B. (2003). Worth Repeating: More Than 5,000 Classic and Contemporary Quotes. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Academic & Professional

Lacayo, R., et al (2006, January 9). Has Bush Gone Too Far? Time, Vol. 167 Issue 2, pp. 24-32

LandmarkCases.org article on David Frost interview of Richard Nixon, retrieved May 1, 2006 from http://www.landmarkcases.org/nixon/nixonview.html

Lyon, B., Secret Evidence, retrieved May 13, 2006 from http://writ.news.findlaw.com/commentary/20000621_lyon.html

McCombs, M. & Shaw, D. (1972 Summer). The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2) pp. 176-187

Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, baron de (2002). The Spirit of Laws, Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books

PBS (2006, May 11). NSA Program Revealed, retrieved May 16, 2006 from http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/fedagencies/jan-june06/nsa_5-11.html

Priest, D. (2006, May 13). Secrecy Privilege Invoked in Fighting Ex-Detainee's Lawsuit. Washington Post, p. A03

Q&A: The NSA's Domestic Eavesdropping Program. Retrieved May 4, 2006 from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5187738

Risen, J. & Lichtblau E. (2005, December 16) Bush Lets U.S. Spy on Callers Without Courts. New York Times p. A1

Rudalevige A. (2005). The New Imperial Presidency: Renewing Presidential Power after Watergate. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.

Sanger, D. (2005, December 18). In address, Bush says he ordered domestic spying. New York Times, p. 1

Savage, C. (2006, April 30). Bush challenges hundreds of laws. Boston Globe, Retrieved May 7, 2006, from http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/articles/2006/04/30/bush_challenges_hundreds_of_laws/

Savage, C. (2006, May 3). Hearings vowed on Bush’s Power. Boston Globe, Retrieved May 6, 2006 from http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2006/05/03/hearing_vowed_on_bushs_powers/

Schlesinger, A. (2004 Reprint edition). The Imperial Presidency. Boston: Mariner Books.

Testimony before congress. Retrieved May 4, 2006 from http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/judiciary/hju20875.000/hju20875_1.HTM

U-S-History.com article on Writs of Assistance, retrieved on May 2, 2006 from http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1205.html

U-S-History.com article on James Otis, retrieved May 2, 2006 from http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1204.html

FISA (1978), US Code, Title 50, Chapter 36, Subchapter I – Electronic Surveillance, retrieved April 30, 2006 from http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/html/uscode50/usc_sup_01_50_10_36_20_I.html

White, J. (2005, December 23). Unable to End 'Unlawful' Detention, Judge Says. Washington Post p. A04

Wikipedia.org article on Common Law, retrieved on May 13, 2006 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Common_law

Wikipedia.org, article on Natural Law, retrieved on May 13, 2006 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natural_law

Wikipedia.org article on Sir Edward Coke, retrieved May 3, 2006 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_Edward_Coke

Wikipedia.org, Transparency (humanities), retrieved May 16, 2006 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transparency_%28humanities%29

Wikipedia.org, USA PATRIOT Act, retrieved May 16, 2006 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USA_PATRIOT_Act

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Wednesday, October 10, 2007

None Dare Call it Torture

There’s a story told about President Abraham Lincoln. A group of citizens came to him early in his presidency, before the start of the civil war, and tried to get him to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln listened politely, and then posed a question to his visitors. “If you call a dog’s tail a leg, then how many legs would a dog have?” The group answered “Five.” “No,” replied Lincoln. “A dog has four legs. Calling a tail a leg does not make it a leg.”

If George W. Bush would have been president in 1861, he might have gotten his Attorney General to redefine the word slavery as “executions specifically with guillotines.” Then he would have said to the citizens, “This government does not enslave people. There are highly trained professionals holding these extremists and terrorists. We don’t practice slavery. There is no slavery. Slavery is not in our nature.” Bush would have called a tail a leg and pretended everything was alright.

A 2002 Justice Department memo said that torture only occurs when the prisoner experiences “pain associated with organ failure or death.” With this broad definition, anything that did not kill the prisoner was not torture. Though in 2004, the Justice Department posted a note on its web site that “Torture is abhorrent both to American law and values," in 2005 they approved the very techniques they had just declared to be abhorrent.

On October 3rd, a New York Times article revealed that in 2005 the Justice Department released an opinion that gave “an expansive endorsement of the harshest interrogation techniques ever used by the Central Intelligence Agency.” Around the same time that Congress passed a law affirming that cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment of prisoners was illegal; the Justice Department was redefining the terms by issuing blanket statements that none of the CIA’s techniques were cruel, inhuman or degrading.

By the stroke of the pen, the Bush administration changed the definition of torture. They authorized head-slapping, water-boarding, sleep deprivation, and exposing people to frigid temperatures. In the mind of President Bush, if he says torture is not torture, then America does not practice torture.

This is not the only time that the Bush Administration has redefined words to suit its purposes.

  • For example, the Bush Administration does not want to say they send people to other countries to be tortured, so it’s called “extraordinary rendition.” Whether we do the torturing or we outsource torturing to others, it’s still torture.
  • If the Bush Administration wants to strip a human being of his or her rights, they call them an “enemy combatant.” This is a made-up term that avoids affording the person the rights of a US prisoner or a prisoner-of-war. By creating a new set of words for people, the Bush Administration feels they can justify any treatment of human beings.
  • According to the Bush Administration, by placing a person at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba the person is not on US territory, and yet he or she is not on the territory of any other nation. Where are they, the moon? The Bush Administration would like to make you think that these people have been taken off of the planet, but that is not true. People in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, a US military installation, are on US property. The CIA also operates “black sites,” prisons where US laws supposedly do not apply. The theory that US laws do not apply is not true, no matter how the Bush Administration would like to define the terms.
  • The Bush Administration has a habit of using “signing statements.” When the president signs a bill into law, if he decides that the law does not apply to him, he simply attaches a signing statement that says so. This is a clear violation of the separation of powers.
  • The law said that the Bush Administration had to get a court order from the FISA court to spy on Americans. The Bush Administration decided that the law did not apply to them, so they spied on us anyway. Worse yet, Congress passed a temporary bill changing the law that Bush had broken, retroactively making the illegal act of spying on Americans legal.
  • And all of this is protected by a claim of “state secrets,” a claim that was just supported by the right-wing friendly Supreme Court.

I am reminded of the comment of Special Counsel for the Army Joseph N. Welch to Senator Joseph McCarthy. “Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency?” I am horrified by the brazen behavior of the Bush Administration and the seeming lack of public outcry. Have we no sense of decency?

If no one else will expose the indecency of the Bush Administration, then it’s up to us, the people. Here are three actions you can take today.

  1. Join Amnesty International’s effort 86 Days to restore civility and the rule of law. October 17th marks the first year anniversary of the Military Commissions Act. There will be events held around the country starting on October 17th and culminating on January 11th, the anniversary of the first detainee held at Guantánamo Bay, 86 days later.
  2. Flood the phones in Congress in support of the FISA Modernization Bill.
  3. Press the presidential candidates to come out clearly in opposition to the use of torture – and be sure to make them define their terms!

Together we can make a difference. When others do not dare to do so, we will call torture just what it is: torture.

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Sunday, February 04, 2007

You’re Only as Sick as Your Secrets

Alcoholics Anonymous has a saying - You’re only as sick as your secrets. Over the past six years the Bush Administration has exploited it’s authority by using “state’s secrets,” in order to cover its abuse of power in the name of the so-called “war on terror.” Two examples of the use of the government secrecy to shield its actions can be seen in the warrantless NSA spying program and in the act of “extraordinary rendition.”

If you want a primer on the Bush Administrations’ inconceivable use of secrecy, simply look at the case of Oregon charity, al-Haramain Islamic Foundation. This case is related to the NSA’s illegal warrantless spying program. Click here for my mid-2006 analysis of the constitutionality and legality of the NSA warrantless spying program.

A recent New York Times/International Herald Tribune article provides surreal examples of government secrecy. For example, one government lawyer declined to divulge whether he had a particular security clearance, saying information about the clearance was classified. Other revelations from this article include:
  • Judges have to make an appointment to review the government’s filing in the case and then cannot keep a copy. Lawyers for the plaintiffs cannot see the government’s filings at all. I’m no lawyer, but I would imagine it difficult to mount a counter-offence to a document that you cannot view.
  • Judges have been told to use only Justice Department computers to write their decisions. The Justice Department asked to inspect and delete files from the computers on which lawyers for the plaintiffs had prepared their legal filings.
  • The Justice Department has filed legal papers, not with the court but by placing them in a room at the Department of Justice. As the article says, “They have filed papers, in other words, with themselves.”


Despite the Bush Administration’s concerted efforts to keep the details of warrantless domestic surveillance secret, details are leaking out. Because of pressure from the public and the newly-elected Democratic majority in Congress, the Justice Department has begrudgingly “allowed” judges from the FISA court to review the NSA warrantless spying program (which they have been legally required to do all along). They also have decided to allow select members of Congress to view documents related to the program. Public pressure and Congressional oversight is slowly shedding light on the secret NSA Spying program.

A second example of how the US uses States Secrets to cover up its misdeeds is in the area of “extraordinary rendition,” the practice of capturing private citizens off of the street and sending them off to a country such as Syria or Egypt to be tortured. Two names that you may already be familiar with are Khaled el-Masri and Maher Arar. El-Masri is a German citizen, who was on his way to family vacation when he was picked up in Macedonia in December, 2003. He was beaten, stripped naked, and drugged. He was then flown to a CIA interrogation center in Afghanistan where he continued to be beaten and interrogated. Despite overwhelming evidence of his innocence, the CIA continued to hold El-Masri until May, 2005, at which time they released him without charge, without apology and without comment. When El-Masri tried to sue the US, the Bush Administration claimed “states secrets” and asked for the case to be dismissed. The case was thrown out on May 16, 2006.

Similarly, Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen was picked up in the United States in September, 2002. The US Government sent Arar to Syria where he was routinely tortured until his release in October, 2003. Again, the US government was sued and again, the Bush Administration appealed to the courts using the argument of State’s Secrets. In February 2006, a judge ruled in favor of the Bush Administration, saying that rendition of Arar was a matter of national security.

Both of these would be very sad cases indeed if they were allowed to remain shrouded in the secrecy of the Bush Administration. However, moves from the Democrats in Congress are promising to shed light on the dark secrets of the extraordinary rendition program. Senator Patrick Leahy, the new Democratic chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, has insisted that US Attorney General Alberto Gonzales share all documentation on the rendition of Arar.

Outside of the US, the pressure continues to mount over the Bush Administrations’ extraordinary rendition program. In Canada, the Prime Minister has issued a formal apology to Maher Arar. The Canadian government has also agreed to pay Arar $8.9 million. This increases the pressure on the US government to come clean in it’s involvement in the Arar case in particular and in extraordinary rendition in general. In Germany, prosecutors have issued arrest warrants for 13 CIA agents involved in the rendition of El-Masri. In another case, in Italy, a Judge is deciding whether to put 26 CIA agents on trial for the 2003 rendition of Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr. Nasr, who is also known as Abu Omar, was taken from Milan, Italy to Egypt where he was tortured and beaten. Once again, the power of public opinion is working to shed light on the cover of darkness required for the Bush Administration to carry on its unconstitutional and illegal activities.

There’s another saying about secrets – If you name the secret, you get its power. For the last six years the Bush Administration has held all of the power in the NSA spying and the practice of extraordinary rendition. Now we citizens have a chance to take back the power. Transparency in government is a cornerstone of our democracy. Without transparency, we are not citizens of a democracy but are instead prisoners in a totalitarian state. It is up to us, the citizens of the United States to insist on transparency in government. It is vital to our freedom that we demand the truth on warrantless spying and on extraordinary rendition. Only by demanding the truth can we heal the sickness of the Bush Administration’s secrets.

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